35
Press Releases, vol. X, p. 374
Address Delivered by the Secretary of State
at Williamsburg, Virginia, June 11, 1934
[Extract]
There are problems of vital importance to
this and all other nations and to civilization itself which demand closer
consideration by each citizen. The founders of our institutions, knowing the
horrors of almost constant war in the Old World, were resolved, to the extent
that might be possible, to save the New World from the most terrible scourge to
which mankind is subjected. Washington led the Revolution in order that men
should be free, but he led in the effort to weld into a more perfect union the
States that then existed and those to be created, in order to insure harmony
instead of discord and thus eliminate the causes of war. It is easy to imagine
what would be the almost certain condition in this portion of the Western World
had that effort not been successful. It is also easy to imagine how far less
peaceful this hemisphere would be if, under the leadership of Monroe, who was
one of Washington's soldiers and one of his successors in the Presidency, there
had been no agreement, which is to remain effective for all time, to close the
Great Lakes, the boundary between the United States and Canada, to warlike
activities, and no emphatic proclamation through Monroe looking to our necessary
self-defense.
At this moment, while on this side of the
ocean there is a relatively peaceful condition, and neighborly and friendly
ties among the nations are stronger and more genuine than ever before, we are
obliged to feel deep concern that across the water, notwithstanding the
terrible havoc and wreckage wrought by the war that began 20
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years ago, and notwithstanding that the inventions of science will make
future wars more terrible, there is so much reason for the gravest apprehension.
Regardless of the fact that preparation for war but too often makes war
inevitable, and the fact that preparation places a grievous burden on the
people, armaments are being momentarily increased, and in practice the theory
seems to be abandoned that nations, like individuals, should live not as
potential enemies, but as neighbors and friends. Our Government has a duty to
perform, and it is performing it. Supported by an overwhelming public
sentiment, the Government, within the limitations necessary to be observed, is
striving to the utmost to make its full contribution to the maintenance of
peace and civilization. Without any question of its earnestness and fidelity,
it is pursuing every method within its province to discourage and minimize armed
conflict.
I wish to refer briefly to another problem
belonging to the class I have just indicated, having both foreign and domestic
aspects. In recent years a dangerous conception has become too prevalent, a
strange economic conception that a nation can live to itself and virtually
dispense with customary international relations. It is significant that none of
the statesmen who made history in the period before and during the Revolution,
and during a long later period were connected with the Federal Government, had
any thought that this country could or should lead a self-contained existence.
All of the evidence is directly to the contrary. They were devoted to their own
land, but even though communication was slow with other lands, they completely
realized that it was not possible for this country to develop without
commercial, social, and cultural relations with Europe. They of course barred
the possibility of political relationship. It is for the purpose of returning
to the older conception which they held that it has just been decided by
Congress that the Executive shall have authority to negotiate trade agreements
with other nations, it being expected that by this method there can be effected
a substantial expansion of international commercial dealings, and markets
opened that in recent years have been to a large extent fenced about by
insurmountable harriers. I can have no argument with any who may be actuated by
mere partisanship in opposing that policy. But I would invite such opponents as
are not thus controlled to tell me, if they are now fearful of the
possibilities of the limited and temporary regimentation of business, what
relief they expect to find in any other direction; and should they be unable to
give a specific reply, I would suggest to them that their opposition might
prove disastrous, should the continuance of such international relations as now
impede commerce force further regimentation.
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I shall not detain you by prolonging
observations which might, but could not on an occasion of this character
properly be elaborated; but I must not close without a reference to the spirit
which should animate every citizen as we pass through an ordeal of extreme and
unprecedented difficulty. A feeling of fear or despair would be dangerous and
perhaps fatal. Those of the earlier days to whom I have alluded tolerated no
such feeling, but in the bitterest hours displayed the utmost faith, courage,
and patience; and had they not been supremely hopeful, they could not have been
either courageous, faithful, or patient. To emphasize this, let me quote the
striking language of James Bryce—the final words of his great work on
"Modern Democracies": "Hope often disappointed but always
renewed is the anchor by which the ship carries democracy and its fortunes will
have to ride out the latest storm, as it has ridden out many storms . . .
democracy will never perish until after hope has expired."
Not dismayed by the enormous difficulties now
being encountered, or by the overturn of some of the democracies that were in
existence when war swept the world, it is for us to face the future with
unabated hope that our democratic system as created by the fathers shall lose
none of its strength and vigor in this time or in the years to come.